The syntax and semantics of the verb in classical Greek

An introduction

by

ALBERT RIJKSBARON

PREFACE

CONTENTS

PREFACE

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION TO THE MOODS AND TENSES

§ 1. The semantic value of the tense stems 1

§ 2. The role of the lexical meaning of the verb 2

§ 3. The expression of past, present, and future 2

§ 4. The moods in independent sentences 4

CHAPTER II: THE MAIN USES OF THE SINGLE MOODS AND TENSES IN INDEPENDENT SENTENCES

5.1. Temporal location: at the moment of utterance 7

§ 6. Imperfect and aorist indicative in narrative texts 8

6.2. Further uses of the imperfect 10

6.2.1. Expresses repeated states of affairs 10

6.2.2. Conative use 11

6.2.3. Expresses completed states of affairs 11

6.3. Further uses of the aorist indicative 13

6.3.1. Past-in-the-past 13

6.3.2. Ingressive use 13

§ 7. Historic present 14

7.1. Introduction 14

7.2. Highlights decisive states of affairs 14

7.3. In enumerations 15

§ 8. Non-narrative uses of imperfect and aorist indicative 16

8.1. The imperfect of modal verbs 16

8.2. Imperfect and aorist indicative in wishes 17

8.3. Aorist indicative in direct speech 17

8.3.1. Constative use 17

8.3.3. J\ @Û + aorist indicative with iussive force 18

8.4. Gnomic use of the aorist indicative 19

§ 9. Future indicative 2 0

§ 10. Primary perfect indicative (perfect) 2 1

10.1. Of terminative verbs 21

10.2. Of stative verbs 22

§ 11. Secondary perfect indicative (pluperfect) 23

§ 12. Future perfect 23

§ 13. Subjunctive 23

13.1. In iussive sentences 24

13.2. In interrogative sentences 24

§ 14. Optative 25

14.1. Without –< (cupitive optative) 25

14.2. With –< (potential optative) 25

14.2.1. In declarative sentences 25

14.2.2. In interrogative sentences 25

14.2.3. In iussive sentences 26

§ 15. Imperative 26

§ 16. The semantic difference between present and aorist stem in the

constructions of §§ 13-15 27

16.1. Introduction 27

16.2. Imperative 27

16.3. Cupitive optative and potential optative 29

CHAPTER III: THE USE OF MOODS AND TENSES

IN DEPENDENT CLAUSES

§ 17. Introduction 31

IIIA: CLAUSES WITH THE FUNCTION OBJECT

OR SUBJECT (OBLIGATORY CLAUSES)

§ 18. With verbs of perception and emotion, and with verbs of saying 32

18.1. With verbs of perception (`see', `know', `perceive', etc.) and emotion 32

18.2. With verbs of saying; indirect speech 33

18.3. `Indirect speech' with verbs of perception and emotion 34

18.4. Temporal and other clauses in indirect speech 35

§ 19. With verbs of asking, inquiring, etc. 36

19.1. Introduction: direct questions 36

19.2. Indirect questions 36

§ 20. With verbs of fearing 37

§ 21. With verbs of contriving, etc. 39

IIIB: CLAUSES WITH THE FUNCTION SATELLITE (OPTIONAL CLAUSES)

§ 22. Final clauses 40

§ 23. Consecutive clauses 41

§ 24. Conditional clauses 42

24.1. Introduction 42

24.2. ,Æ + indicative 42

24.3. ¦V< (³<, <) + subjunctive 43

24.3.1. With a future indicative or some other form

with future reference in the apodosis 43

24.3.2. With a generic present indicative in the apodosis 44

24.4. ,Æ + optative 44

24.4.1. With an optative + –< in the apodosis 44

24.4.2. With an imperfect in the apodosis 45

24.5. ,Æ + secondary indicative 45

24.6 Appendix: ¦V<-clauses with final value 46

§ 25. Concessive clauses 46

§ 26. Temporal clauses 47

26.1. Single past states of affairs 47

26.2. Particulars 48

26.3. ¦B,\-clauses with causal value 49

26.4. Single future states of affairs 50

26.5. Particulars 51

26.6. Habitual non-past states of affairs 52

26.7. Habitual past states of affairs 52

§ 27. Causal clauses 53

IIIC: RELATIVE CLAUSES

§ 28. Introduction 55

§ 29. The moods in relative clauses 55

29.1. Anaphoric clauses 55

29.2. Autonomous clauses 56

29.3. Particulars 57

CHAPTER IV: NON-FINITE VERB FORMS: INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE

§ 30. Introduction 60

IVA: INFINITIVE

§ 31. Infinitive as an obligatory constituent; dynamic and declarative infinitive 61

31.1. Distinction between dynamic and declarative infinitive 61

31.2. Particulars 62

§ 32. Infinitive and accusative plus infinitive 65

§ 33. Infinitive and accusative plus infinitive with impersonal verbs 65

§ 34. Infinitive-constructions with verbs of forbidding, denying, etc. 66

§ 35. Infinitive as an optional constituent with verbs of giving, taking, etc. 67

§ 36. Articular infinitive 67

IVB: PARTICIPLE

§ 37. Predicative participle 69

§ 38. Predicative participle as an obligatory constituent 69

§ 39. Predicative participle as a satellite 73

§ 40. Attributive participle 76

CHAPTER V: VOICE: ACTIVE, MIDDLE, PASSIVE

§ 41. Introduction 77

41.1. Voice defined 77

41.2. The morphological features of the Greek voices 77

41.3. Survey of grammatical terms 77

41.4. Survey of the contents of §§ 42-48 79

§ 42. Middle-passive forms of transitive active verbs, with passive meaning 80

42.1. The principle 80

42.2. Particulars 80

42.3. Particulars, continued 81

§ 43. Middle-passive forms of transitive active verbs, with direct-reflexive meaning 83

43.1. The principle 83

43.2. Particulars 84

§ 44. Middle-passive forms of transitive active verbs, with

indirect-reflexive meaning 85

44.1. The principle 85

44.2. Particulars 86

§ 45. Middle-passive forms of transitive active verbs, with pseudo-reflexive

or pseudo-passive meaning 88

45.1. The principle 88

45.2. Particulars 90

§ 46. Verbs with active forms only (so-called activa tantum) 92

46.1. The principle 92

46.2. Particulars 92

§ 47. Verbs with middle-passive forms only 94

47.1. Verbs with a middle aorist (so-called media tantum) 94

47.1.1. The principle 94

47.1.2. Particulars 94

47.2. Verbs with a passive aorist (so-called passiva tantum) 95

47.2.1. The principle 95

47.2.2. Particulars 96

§ 48. Summary of the main uses of the middle-passive voice 96

48.1. Of verbs that are also used in the active voice 96

48.2. Of verbs that are not used in the active voice 97

APPENDIX Survey of the most common question-words 98

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 99

INDEX OF TERMS 102

INDEX OF GREEK WORDS 110

A note on text-editions and translations

The text of the Greek examples is usually that of the editions of the Oxford Classical Texts series. The examples from Aristophanes, however, are taken from the edition in the Budé-series. The translations are either borrowed from or based upon the editions in the Loeb-series. Greek authors and their works are referred to in accordance with Liddell-Scott-Stuart Jones, A Greek-English Lexicon.

I INTRODUCTION TO THE MOODS AND TENSES

The Greek verbal system has five tense stems (or aspect stems, see below, Note 1):

- the future perfect stem (e.g. $,$@L8,bF,-Fh"4)

Each stem has a distinct semantic value, which may be defined as follows:

All verb forms derived from a certain stem are in principle characterized by the fundamental semantic value of that stem. This holds for the finite forms: indicative, subjunctive, optative, imperative (also called the moods (cp. § 4)), as well as for the non-finite forms: infinitive and participle.

In actual usage, the semantic values defined above serve various purposes. An important application is that they may be used to locate a certain state of affairs with respect to other states of affairs, e.g. in historical narrative. Thus, by the value [not-completed], the forms of the present stem characterize a state of affairs as `open', thereby creating a framework within which other states of affairs may occur. These forms are, therefore, pre-eminently suited to establish a relationship of simultaneity between two or more states of affairs. On the other hand, the value [completed] of the aorist stem may serve to express the anteriority of one state of affairs to another.

The interpretation of a certain verb form does not only depend on the semantic value of its tense stem, but also on other factors, e.g. the lexical meaning of the verb. Thus, the imperfect of, for instance, $"F48,bT (a so-called stative, durative or unbounded verb: the state of affairs does not have an inherent end-point) cannot usually be interpreted in the same way as that of verbs like B,\hT or *\*Tµ4 ((terminative, bounded, or telic verbs: the state of affairs has an inherent end-point). Often §B,4h, must be interpreted as `he tried to convince': the end-point (`convince') is not attained (so-called conative use of the imperfect). The imperfect of durative $"F48,bT cannot possibly be used in this way. The interaction of lexical meaning and tense stem value will be dealt with in a number of sections.

Of the various finite forms (or moods, cp. § 1) which are derived from the tense stems only the indicatives have absolute temporal value, i.e. they locate the state of affairs relative to the moment of utterance in the past, present, or future:

In summary: the primary indicatives express `present' or `future' and the secondary indicatives (or augment-forms) `past'. It is clear from the definitions given above that - to name the most important tenses - imperfect, aorist indicative, and pluperfect, on the one hand, and present and perfect, on the other, do not differ as to their temporal value: the first three all refer to the past, the latter two both refer to the present. The differences are based exclusively on the semantic values of the tense stems, as defined in § 1.

The combined effect of the semantic values of the tense stems and the temporal values of the indicatives may be schematized as follows (ex. B"4*,bT, active voice):

The other moods as well as the infinitive and the participle do not independently locate a state of affairs in time, but `derive' their temporal value solely from their interaction with other verb forms, especially the indicative. The temporal reference of states of affairs expressed by the subjunctive etc. - i.e. their location in past, present, or future - must, therefore, depend on the temporal reference of the other verb forms. This dependency may be illustrated with some examples of the participle, where it is fully operative:

In addition to the five tense stems Greek has four moods and two non-finite forms (infinitive and participle). The moods enable the speaker to `clothe' his utterances in such a way as to express his attitude towards their contents, according to the situation in which he produces the utterance and the nature of the information which he wants to convey. In the following I give a survey of the main uses of the moods in independent sentences; a more detailed analysis will follow in the sections on the single moods (§§ 5-15).

The moods occur in various sentence-types:

(i) Declarative sentences (negative @Û)

(ii) Iussive (or directive) sentences (negative µZ)

(iii) Interrogative sentences. Two sub-types may be distinguished: yes-no questions and x-questions.

(a) Yes-no questions seek a positive or negative answer.

(b) x-questions are introduced by interrogative pronouns or adverbs and ask for information concerning an aspect of the state of affairs unknown to the speaker (x).

(iv) Wishes (negative µZ).

II THE MAIN USES OF THE SINGLE MOODS AND TENSES IN INDEPENDENT SENTENCES

5.1 TEMPORAL LOCATION: LOCATION AT THE MOMENT OF UTTERANCE

The primary present indicative signifies that the state of affairs is located at the moment of utterance; the state of affairs continues through the moment of utterance:

In questions the combination of @Û + primary present indicative (1st or 2nd person), often preceded by J\, may express an emphatic request or command:

The speaker observes that a certain situation does not exist, i.e. that his interlocutor is not carrying out a certain state of affairs, and he inquires whether his observation is correct ((6)), or why the situation is such as he observes it to be ((7)).

In pragmatic terms questions of this type function as requests or commands: `see to it that the state of affairs is carried out as yet'. In cases like (7) we are not dealing with real why-questions; this appears from the fact that the answer does not consist of an explanation.

In § 3, Note 1 reference was made to the generic use of the primary present indicative, (i) in descriptions of habits and properties, and (ii) in timeless statements. Some Greek examples of (i):

and of (ii):

It is, of course, not always possible to distinguish between (i) and (ii): the `nature' of crocodiles could change, in which case (9) would not be a timeless statement. The problems involved here are of a mainly non-linguistic nature, and will not be dealt with here.

Imperfect and aorist indicative are predominantly used in narrative texts. By locating the various states of affairs in time relative to each other they serve as the most important structuring elements in a story.

Since the imperfect characterizes the state of affairs as `not-completed' it creates a framework within which other states of affairs may occur, while the aorist indicative characterizes the state of affairs as `completed', as a mere event. This difference in value between imperfect and aorist indicative is significant for the way in which a story is told. The imperfect creates a certain expectation on the part of the reader/hearer: what else happened?; the aorist indicative, on the other hand, does not have this effect: the state of affairs has simply occurred.

These values are applied in various ways. Often one or more states of affairs expressed in the aorist indicative are located within a framework given by the imperfect, as illustrated by (10) and (11):

At the beginning, ¦>Xn0<, sums up the event, which is, in the following, related in detail. The story proper begins with §B"4.,. In the course of the game (note also B"\.@<J,H) the children choose little `Cyrus' to be their king. Then `Cyrus' gives his `subjects' a number of tasks. Both of these states of affairs, one (,Ë8@<J@) anterior to the other (*4XJ">,), are enclosed within the framework given by §B"4.,. In other words: the `B"\.,4<' continues when the `©8XFh"4' and `*4"JV>"4' take place.

In the course of the Spartan deliberation (¦$@L8,b@<J@) Archidamos makes a speech (§8,>, J@4V*,, summed up afterwards by J@4"ØJ" ,ÉB,<). When he has finished, one of the others responds to Archidamos' words (§8,>,<). Both speeches are enclosed within the framework of `¦$@L8,b@<J@' (the $@L8,b,Fh"4 continues) and the aorist indicative characterizes the speeches as completed; Archidamos' speech is anterior to Sthenelaïdas', and the latter speech is anterior to the vote (not cited here) taken on the two proposals.

We also find series of imperfects, describing a number of more or less simultaneous states of affairs; a `scene is painted', so to speak:

On the other hand, sequences of aorist indicatives occur as well, describing a series of successive states of affairs, e.g.

Examples (10) and (11) illustrate the functioning of the imperfect at what may be called the `micro-level', that is, the level of small-scale narrative units, e.g. a deliberation scene, as in (11). However, the imperfect has also an important function at the `macro-level', the level of large-scale narrative units. The imperfect is, in fact, the tense par excellence for creating discourse cohesion. A clear example of this function is provided by the following example from Herodotus:

As in the examples discussed above, the imperfect ¦B@4X,J@ creates a framework, and makes us expect that, within this framework, other states of affairs will be presented (`what else happened?'). Here, however, this is not the case, for in the next sentence Herodotus begins his lengthy description of Egypt and its inhabitants, and thus interrupts his story about Cambyses. Thereby, the imperfect acquires a new function: it signals that the author has not yet completed his narrative of Cambyses' campaign and will come back to it later. This happens, in fact, at the beginning of Book III, where we read

Again, however, the expectations raised by the imperfect are not fulfilled, for there follows another digression. Once again, therefore, the imperfect signals that the author will come back to this story. It is only at 3.4.3 that the narrative about Cambyses really gets going:

The historic presents nDV.,4 and ¦>0(X,J"4 signal that these events are important for the sequel of the expedition, cp. § 7.2.

Just as the present indicative (cp. § 3, Note 1 and § 5.3) the imperfect may express iterative (habitual) states of affairs, i.e. states of affairs that are not located at a specific point in time in the past. An iterative modifier may be present, cp. (17).

Some examples:

In the case of (18) the context indicates that a repeated state of affairs, a habit, is concerned. In a different context such an imperfect form could well have a non-habitual interpretation, e.g. after a temporal clause like `When we returned home'.

Besides lexical iterative modifiers like •<� B�< §J@H in (17) Greek also has grammatical means at its disposal with which iteration in the past may be explicitly expressed, e.g. the particle –< (so-called `iterative –<'):

Iterative –< also occurs with the aorist indicative, e.g.:

In Ionic separate iterative forms exist as well, formed with the suffix -F6,/@-, e.g.:

In these explicit constructions the different semantic values of imperfect and aorist are apparent: in (21) the imperfect characterizes the states of affairs as `not-completed', while 8V$,F6@< in (22) refers to a completed state of affairs (cp. also the anaphoric participle 8"$`<J,H).

The presence of a negation often causes an imperfect to receive an iterative interpretation; this is especially frequent in temporal-cirumstantial clauses, like:

The imperfect ¦n"\<,J@ expresses the idea that the `non-appearance' of Helen occurred (i.e. was observed) on several occasions, and suggests, thus, that the Greeks were for some time busy looking for her. Notice also iterative ¦BL<hV<@<J@. A negated aorist, on the other hand, denotes rather a semelfactive state of affairs, compare:

In the preceding passage Herodotus has told us that Paktyas had left for Kyme. The aorist in (24) indicates that Mazares upon his arrival in Sardis at once noticed Paktyas' absence, and did not go around looking for him.

In the case of terminative (telic) verbs, i.e. verbs which denote a state of affairs that is inherently directed towards an end-point, the value [not-completed] of the imperfect often leads to a conative interpretation: the state of affairs did not get beyond the stage of an attempt. Usually, the context makes it clear that the state of affairs concerned did, in fact, not come about.

Thus often ¦BL<h"<`µ0< `I tried to find out, inquired' versus ¦BLh`µ0< `I found out, learnt'; ²<V(6".@< `I put pressure on ...' versus ²<V(6"F" `I forced' etc.

Related to the conative use is the imperfect of likelihood. In this use the imperfect signifies that the state of affairs concerned was likely to come about, or threatened to occur, but did not really occur. Some examples are:

6.2.3 Inceptive imperfect

The inceptive imperfect (also called `imperfect of consecutive action') expresses the idea that the state of affairs was realized straight away following another state of affairs. Some examples:

This nuance is another effect of the general semantic value of the present stem: `signifies that a state of affairs is being carried out'. Thus, (34) could be paraphrased by: `(No sooner had they apportioned the houses than) they were on their way'. Similarly with (32): `(No sooner had he left me with the letter than) he was on his way'. We are placed, as it were, right in the middle of the state of affairs.

The imperfect of verbs like B,\hT (cp. § 6.2.2) usually has a conative value. In some cases, however, the imperfect is used to express a state of affairs which is, as appears from the context, completed. E.g.:

From ,ÛB,JXTH (`readily') and @Û P"8,BäH (`without difficulty') it is clear that the `B,\h,4<' is successful. In these cases the value [not-completed] of the imperfect serves to direct the attention to the consequences of the completion of the state of affairs: what happened as a result of the fact that Darius and the Thirty tyrants, respectively, were persuaded?

In a way similar to B,\hT in (35) and (36) a large number of verbs of saying is used; these verbs have in common that they intend to obtain a reaction from the interlocutor: the speaker wants to get him to do something. Verbs belonging to this category are, for instance: 8X(T, "ÆJä, *X@µ"4, ¦DTJä, 6"8ä, 6,8,bT, ¦<JX88@µ"4, (•B)•((X88T. Very often the imperfect of these verbs is used while the state of affairs itself of asking, calling or requesting is completed. (Cp. the similar use of the primary present indicative of 8X(T etc., § 5.1, Note 1). In general the use of the imperfect suggests that the state of affairs and what follows, i.e. the reaction of the person addressed, are closely connected: the message is delivered, the request is made, the command given, but what does the addressee do as a result? When, on the other hand, the aorist indicative is used, this connection is not emphasized: question, request etc. are simply mentioned. Sometimes there cannot possibly be a reaction, because nothing but the request, command etc. is mentioned. In such cases it is implied that the request, etc. is carried out. Some examples:

The close connection expressed by the imperfect in (37) and (39) is also apparent in the fact that the addressed person's reaction is important to the person who gives the command/delivers the message: he waits, as it were, for this reaction. This element is absent in (38) and (40); in (38) the reaction is not even stated explicitly, in (40) the messengers simply deliver the message, without being concerned with the addressee's reaction.

In narrative texts the aorist indicative is most commonly used to signify that the state of affairs concerned is completed with regard to (is anterior to) a state of affairs mentioned in the ensuing context, cp. (10), (11), and (40). Sometimes, however, the state of affairs expressed by the aorist indicative is completed with regard to (is anterior to) a state of affairs mentioned in the preceding context (`past-in-the-past'). This nuance may be made explicit by means of a modifier like BD`J,D@< `earlier'; in other cases, we must rely on the context. Some examples:

In the case of verbs which express a state the aorist may indicate the beginning of this state (ingressive aorist). The state itself is referred to only implicitly. Some examples:

Notice that in (43) the implicitly expressed state is made explicit in the following participle-construction; similary in (45) the state which follows the `falling a-weeping' is referred to by *"6Db,4H. Here too the interpretation is dependent upon the context, for in other cases the aorist stem of verbs of this type may express a `regular' completed state of affairs. An example with an aorist participle:

The main state of affairs, ¦FJZF"<J@, takes place after the reign of the priest of Hephaestus had ended rather than after it had begun.

Besides imperfect and aorist indicative, which, in a narrative text, as it were, `carry' the story, the primary present indicative, too, is used in historical narrative (the so-called `historic present').

Strictly speaking this historic use conflicts with the fundamental value(s) of the primary present indicative (cp. § 3): unlike the imperfect and aorist indicative, the primary present indicative is, `at heart', not suitable for the expression of past states of affairs. As a result of this special status the historic present has a specific effect, or rather, effects, for several uses may be distinguished. It should be noted that in some of these the notion of `present' may play a part to the extent that a `pseudo-present' or `pseudo-moment-of-utterance' is created: the narrator plays the role of an eyewitness. This does not, however, hold for all uses of the historic present.

When occurring among imperfects and aorist indicatives the historic present often marks decisive states of affairs, turning-points in the story, which introduce a new series of states of affairs.

Some examples:

In (47), the messenger-speech from the Medea, the messenger reports about the effects of the poisoned robe and crown which Medea had sent as gifts to Glauke, her rival. After a series of aorist indicatives the cardinal states of affairs are expressed in the historic present: Glauke does up her hair and walks around wearing her new clothes and crown. After an introductory line, (1167), in which the messenger prepares his audience for the terrible events which follow, the decisive change in Glauke's demeanour is again presented in the historic present.

In the story about Kandaules and Gyges ¦B@D" is one of three historic presents (the others occur at 11.4 ("ÊDX,J"4) and 12.1 (6"J"6DbBJ,4)). It marks a turning-point in the sequence of events: when Kandaules' wife sees Gyges leave after he has secretly been watching her, the first step on the road to Kandaules' downfall is taken.

The use of the historic present in messenger-speeches (as in (47)) may rightly be described as an attempt to create an `eyewitnesseffect' (cp. § 7.1): after all, the messenger has, in fact, witnessed the events which he reports. In historical narrative, such as that of Herodotus and Thucydides, the effect is that of a `pseudo-eyewitness': the author poses as `reporter on the spot'.

The historic present is often used to mark significant events in the course of a person's life, such as birth, wedding, and death. Especially in cases where the historic present occurs amidst imperfects and aorist indicatives it serves to call attention to the consequences of the events concerned.

The `eyewitness' and `turning-point' effects mentioned above play no role in cases where a series of historic presents occurs, without contrasting with imperfects and aorist indicatives.

An example:

These states of affairs cannot possibly be viewed as turning-points, since the following does not consist of a story demonstrating their significance. Terms used for this use of the present are praesens tabulare (`enumerating') or annalistic present.

In direct speech the imperfect of impersonal verbs denoting `necessity', `obligation', `appropriateness' + present infinitive may refer to the present, opposing a necessary, intended or more appropriate state of affairs to an existing one, as in

Note that in (50) and (51) the existing state of affairs (`they are alive', and `you are not behaving moderately', respectively) is only implied. It may also be made explicit, as in

Note also that, while in (52) the state of affairs denoted by the infinitive (the `being silent') does still exist, there is in itself no indication that it might not stop; in fact, the addressee, Phaedra, eventually puts an end to her silence. In this case the expression @Û6 ¦PD­< F4(�< may function as a cautious variant of a more direct expression like PDZ F, 8X(,4<, cp. Engl. You shouldn't keep silent as against You must speak. Mostly, however, the imperfect implies not only that some state of affairs does (not) exist but also that this situation cannot be altered any more. Again, this can be made explicit, as in (53). In such a case §*,4 etc. + present infinitive come close to an unrealizable wish; cp. below, example (58) and § 8.2.

Expressions like §*,4 and (¦)PD­< may, of course, also be used with reference to the past as such. Two separate uses may be distinguished:

(i) the necessity existed, but the necessary state of affairs has not been realized;

(ii) the necessity existed and the necessary state of affairs has apparently been realized.

Examples of (i) and (ii) are (54) and (55), respectively:

In such cases the interpretation must depend on the context. Note that in (54), while the necessary state of affairs is not realized, the necessity is, in §*,4, presented as existing. In cases where the necessity itself is presented as not-existing (unreal), the construction with –< is used (cp. § 24.5), e.g.

A construction related to the expressions of `necessity', etc. mentioned above is that of ên,8@< (lit. `I owed, I ought') + infinitive, expressing an unrealizable wish (cp. § 8.2 as well). The wish may refer to the past (in which case the aorist infinitive is found more often than the present infinitive) or to the present (present infinitive). Some examples:

That, in (58), the state of affairs wished for cannot be realized at the moment of utterance is apparent from the context: ¦B, *¥ J,J,8,bJ06,<.

Imperfect and aorist indicative are also used in order to express unrealizable wishes. In this case, the verb form is always preceded by the particles ,Çh, or ,Æ (VD, so that no confusion with, for instance, the declarative use of imperfect and aorist indicative can arise. The negative is µZ.

In wishes referring to the past, the aorist is more common than the imperfect (cp. ên,8@< + aorist infinitive in (57)):

while wishes referring to the present are always expressed in the imperfect (cp. ên,8@< + present infinitive in (58)):

On the location in the past of a wish referring to the present cp. the remarks in Note 1 with § 8.1.

The aorist indicative characterizes a state of affairs as completed in the past, as a mere event (cp. § 6.1). In a narrative the state of affairs concerned is usually completed relative to another state of affairs in the context; in direct speech, on the other hand, the aorist indicative usually indicates that the state of affairs is completed relative to the moment of utterance.

Some examples: